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Conglomeration



Grove, which burned bright in the 50s and 60s, flamed out with the first wave of conglomeration. Feminists occupied Grove's offices on April 13, 1970, to protest its sexism and demand union recognition. The avant-garde publisher used its resistance to conglomeration as justification for rejecting the union, noting "the wave of corporate mergers sweeping over the publishing industry and insist[ing] that, insofar as they 'have been virtually alone in resisting this trend,' they should also be exempted from the unionization efforts that were a response to it."13 This did not go over well. In the end, Grove had to downsize dramatically and even then, to survive, rely on Jason Epstein, the legendary Random House editor, "to prop up the company."14 The outsider had to kiss the ring. "Epstein convinced an aging Bennett Cerf that it would be tragic to let Grove go under, so for much of the 1970s Random House distributed Grove's titles, in return for which it received a portion of the profits."15 And yet, Grove managed to publish a few important new works in these decades by novelists including Kathy Acker, Jerzy Kosinski, Leslie Marmon Silko, and Jeanette Winterson.




conglomeration



Immediately upon its founding, the NEA feared that conglomeration threatened literature's diversity. As the NEA was getting up and running in the late 1960s, the publishing industry's first wave of conglomeration began its work of consolidation. The "literary ecosystem," in the words of the NEA's official history, "was undergoing significant change."40 The Endowment understood that it was dedicating "resources and funds to poets and fiction writers whose works might not survive in this new mass media climate."41 For most of its first two decades, the NEA offered small grants of up to several thousand dollars to writers and literary organizations, awarding nearly twelve hundred by 1985. In the 1970s, NEA grants were "the only national funding available to nonprofit literary presses," helping to pay for "paper, binding, and operating costs."42


By 1994, after a decade of incubation, nonprofit presses comprised a new formation, a "field," built hand-in-hand with the NEA to resist the claustrophobia brought on by conglomeration. It included countercultural figures like Coffee House's Allan Kornblum and Milkweed's Emilie Buchwald, who got their start with boutique letterpresses; political and aesthetic activists like Arte Público's Nicolás Kanellos, Feminist Press's Florence Howe, and Dalkey Archive's John O'Brien; and expatriates from conglomeration like McCrae and André Schiffrin (who had, by then, started his own nonprofit, The New Press). Such figures pooled their resources for the benefit of all.


The language of conglomerate fiction is different, less about embodiment. It invites speculation that an autopoietic process is at work in which the conditions of production, that is to say, conglomeration, make their way into the text itself. And not just any conditions of conglomeration, but specifically: a kind of bureaucratic formalism, rule, system, order, office, desk; a results-driven world of ambition and power, party, hotel, spend, beauty, handsome, champagne, deal, power, hundred, thousand, million; and the language of correspondence, acquisition, and rejection, thank, hope, yes, smiled, interest, lunch, decided. We might see these three modes as allegorizing the processes that one of us has argued elsewhere define the conglomerate era: rationalization, the bottom line, and the rise of the agent.


The novel is a riff on Greek myths. It begins with the king of Thebes facing a crisis. Dionysus, god of wine, has wooed the women of Thebes to abandon the city for the frenzy of the wilderness. The blind prophet Tiresias tells the king, "They have gone to beat the loose-skinned drum of life and power, leaving your city, shall we say, male."60 Or, as Dionysus explains, "These men in power, their eyes see too far and their hands are too large for close work. Their hands are numb from the counting of money. That is why these women come to my call. These women have nothing to count but their fingers."61 Everett, like our model, genders language of embodiment: whereas men are alienated from their eyes and hands, women attend to their fingers; women beat drums. Power tends to signal conglomeration by our model; here it is what is contested.


Erasure extends Everett's critique of authors' complicity with markets under conglomeration. In Frenzy, authors navigate between the literariness of embodiment and allegories of conglomeration; in Erasure, the Scylla and Charybdis are the expectations placed on writers of color in a time of multiculturalism to represent their race. One can play the game and submit to stereotypes or refuse and be conscripted against one's will. Erasure argues that conglomerates publish books by black authors that confirm prejudices that readers bring to books by black authors. It argues that the industry wants books by black authors that already read as black.


Everett portrays a publishing industry in which agents, editors, booksellers, reviewers, academics, and writers are all complicit in conflating fiction with the authentic experience of race. Literary markets in the era of conglomeration shaped what the public understood as blackness according to a liberal multicultural fantasy of authenticity that sold.


1620s, "act of gathering into a ball or mass," from Late Latin conglomerationem (nominative conglomeratio), noun of action from past participle stem of Latin conglomerare "to roll together, concentrate, heap up," from assimilated form of com "with, together" (see con-) + glomerare "to gather into a ball, collect," from glomus (genitive glomeris) "a ball, ball-shaped mass," possibly from PIE *glem- (see glebe). Meaning "that which is conglomerated" is from 1650s.


We use data on U.S. insurance companies to examine the validity of the conglomeration hypothesis versus the strategic focus hypothesis for finanical institutions. We distinguish between the hypotheses using profit scope economies, which measures the relative efficiency of joint versus specialized production, taking both costs and revenues into account. The results suggest that the conglomeration hypothesis dominates for some types of financial service providers and the strategic focus hypothesis dominates for other types. This may explain the empirical puzzle of why joint producers and specialists both appear to be competitively viable in the long run.


To keep up with financial businesses, which are getting more complex, the P2SK Law expands the scope of financial conglomeration to encompass all types of financial institutions. At its discretion, OJK may also appoint non-financial institutions that support the function and business of the financial conglomerate to be a part of the financial conglomerate.


A well with a relatively short target perforation interval was selected as a candidate for the trial sand conglomeration treatment to avoid any uncertainties related to zone coverage. Pre-requisite sand agglomeration and chemical-crude oil compatibility laboratory studies were carried out to optimize the main system and preflush fluid formulations. Once the laboratory testing was complete, a step-rate test was performed to determine the maximum injection rate below formation fracturing pressure. The chemical systems were prepared using standard blending equipment. The preflush fluid was injected to prepare the treated zone. The main fluid was then injected into the reservoir in several cycles at matrix rate by a bullheading process. Upon completion of the treatment, the well was shut in for several days for optimal agglomeration (conglomeration) before the well was slowly put on production.


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